- Signs of the Times for Mon, 26 Jun 2006 -



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Editorial: The Fall of Reason in The West

Arkadiusz Jadczyk
Signs of the Times
June 26, 2006

As a scientist with a conscience, I am shocked almost every day by the uses that science has been put to on our planet in our present time. Science tells us that we have we evolved as human beings from primates and then go on to make the assumption that this biological evolution is paralleled by cultural and social evolution. Indeed, science has given us the space program, laser, television, penicillin, sulfa drugs, and a host of other useful developments, which would seem to make our lives more tolerable and fruitful. However, we can also see that after three centuries of domination by science, it could be said that never before has man been so precariously poised on the brink of such total destruction. Why are so many scientists blind to this? Why aren't scientists - as a whole - standing up against the madness we see in the world around us?

The answer is that scientists, like any other group of people, come in all different shapes, sizes and with varying inner content in terms of conscience. I would like to give an example.

In the "Comment and analysis" section of the recent issue (24 June 2006) of The New Scientist, Richard Koch has published an article entitled "The fall of reason in the west ". It starts with the observation that

Science has been at the heart of western society for centuries, so why is it under attack as never before? [...]

The triumph of science explains, more than any other single factor, the west's enormous lead over other civilisations in technology, innovation, living standards and military might. Yet since the 1920s, and more particularly since 1970, western misgivings about science have greatly increased. Attacks have come from left and right, from intellectuals and anti-intellectuals, from the media and angry protesters, from Bible-bashers and New Age gurus. Westerners appear to have lost faith in reason and science. Why has science for the past 600 years been virtually a western monopoly, and what explains its decline in standing today?

The above comments are followed by a historical analysis of the role of science and then, Koch arrives here:

[...] Up to 1900, science had made the world easier to understand; thereafter it made it more difficult.

The other challenge was external: a much more critical view of science adopted by the rest of society. Science revealed a darker side. Suspicions arose that it was dehumanising and the tool of dictators. Then came the atom bomb. Since the 1960s, evidence has begun to pile up that science's triumphs are poisoning the planet.

The result is a widespread western, and especially American, descent into superstition. About 40 per cent of Americans believe that Genesis accurately describes the creation. There is an apparent belief in magic that has had no parallel since the Middle Ages. The growing anti-intellectualism has no western precedent at all. We are witnessing the elevation of emotion over reason, of personal conviction over hard thinking.[...]

So far so good. But then comes the following:

Does this loss of faith in science matter? Science seems impervious to attack. To a greater degree than ever, the world is being shaped by it. Scientific advance is unstoppable, constant and cumulative. There is no "alternative" science, no Buddhist science, no New Age science, no relativist science, no fundamentalist science. The funds for science keep coming, as does a ready supply of highly educated scientists.

“There is an apparent belief in magic that has had no parallel since the Middle Ages”

Apparently the author completely forgets the fact that "the mysterious" was very close to science all the time; think of Newton, think of Clifford.

But pause. Reflect on the inspirations for modern science: belief in God and belief in humanity, a rational world view, and optimism about humanity's place in the cosmos. Science, it seems, has disposed of much of what made it successful. It has eaten away at its thought-foundations: its contribution to human meaning, the human spirit and the non-material richness of civilisation has shrivelled.

"Optimism about humanity's place in the cosmos?" The author must be joking. The planet is on the edge of destruction because scientists are the slaves of politicians! What kind of contribution to human meaning has science to offer? The "Selfish gene" philosophy of Richard Dawkins? Or read this text by the physicist Freeman Dyson, member of the JASON defense advisory group, where he says:

[...]The prevailing view (Weinberg, 1977) holds the future of open and closed universes to be equally dismal. According to this view, we have only the choice of being fried in a closed universe or frozen in an open one. The end of the closed universe has been studied in detail by Rees (1969). Regrettably I have to concur with Rees' verdict that in this case we have no escape from frying. No matter how deep we burrow into the earth to shield ourselves from the ever-increasing fury of the blue-shifted background radiation, we can only postpone by a few million years our miserable end. I shall not discuss the closed universe in detail, since it gives me a feeling of claustrophobia to imagine our whole existence confined within the box (4).

I only raise one question which may offer us a thin chance of survival. Supposing that we discover the universe to be naturally closed and doomed to collapse, is it conceivable that by intelligent intervention, converting matter into radiation and causing energy to flow purposefully on a cosmic scale, we could break open a closed universe and change the topology of space-time so that only a part of it would collapse and another part of it would expand forever? I do not know the answer to this question. If it turns out that the universe is closed, we shall still have about 10^10 years to explore the possibility of a technological fix that would burst it open. [...]

The author of the NewScientist article concludes with these paragraphs:

Let's be clear: science will continue, driven by the search for profit and by humanity's ineradicable intellectual curiosity. There is little justification to abandon our trust in rationality and in science, for the best forms of civilisation depend utterly on them. But in losing the idea that science helps us all make sense of the world, the west has forfeited one of its main sources of optimism, success and commitment to a humane society.

Will science continue to lose its shine. Not necessarily. The notion that science deprives life of meaning is, after all, erroneous. Neither can science disprove the existence of God. What we may call the "lonely hypothesis" - that there is no rational and good God, and probably no God at all, that humankind is a speck of insignificance on the edge of a vast, pointless universe - has its own splendour, inspiration and self-justification. If nothing else will supply meaning in the universe, the existence and achievements of human intellect, creativity and love are quite enough.

Notice this: "There is little justification to abandon our trust in rationality and in science, for the best forms of civilisation depend utterly on them." The best forms of civilization? Which civilization? The one that has built nuclear bombs and used them on Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Or the more modern one that is commiting crimes of mass murder in Iraq? In which sense is this science, now on the verge of replacing humans by genetically modified hybrids, the "main source of optimism, success and commitment to a humane society"?

And what "love" is he talking about when writing "If nothing else will supply meaning in the universe, the existence and achievements of human intellect, creativity and love are quite enough." As my wife, Laura Knight-Jadczyk has written:

Our lives, as individuals and groups and cultures, are steadily deteriorating. The air we breathe and the water we drink is polluted almost beyond endurance. Our foods are loaded with substances which contribute very little to nourishment, and that may, in fact, be injurious to our health. Stress and tension have become an accepted part of life and can be shown to have killed millions. Hatred, envy, greed and strife multiply exponentially. Crime increases nine times faster than the population. We swallow endless quantities of pills to wake up, go to sleep, get the job done, calm our nerves and make us feel good. The inhabitants of the earth spend more money on recreational drugs than they spend on housing, clothing, food, education or any other product or service.

The ancient evils are still with us for those who emerge from their "personal myth" long enough to be in touch with reality. Drought, famine, plague and natural disasters still take an annual toll in lives and suffering. Combined with wars, insurrections, and political purges, this means that not only are great numbers of people killed each year for political reasons, but also multiplied millions of people across the globe are without adequate food or shelter or health care. Over one hundred million children starved to death in the last decade of the 20th century. [The Secret History of the World]

The real Fall of Reason in the West lies in the fact that what we see in the world today is science being used to manipulate society, to make human beings into remotely controlled robots, to use "applied game theory" (see Lambda Corporation) in order to eliminate 99% of the population of this planet at the behest of their political Lords and Masters.


Comment on this Editorial


Editorial: Signs Economic Commentary

Donald Hunt
Signs of the Times
June 26, 2006

Gold closed at 586.00 dollars an ounce on Friday, up 0.2% from $584.70 the Friday before. The dollar closed at 0.7996 euros Friday, up 1.1% from 0.7910 for the week. The euro closed at 1.2507 dollars compared to 1.2640 at the end of the week before. Gold in euros would be 463.61 euros an ounce, up 0.2% from 462.47 at the previous Friday's close. Oil closed at 70.84 dollars a barrel on Friday, up 1.2% from $69.97 for the week. Oil in euros would be 56.64 euros a barrel, up 2.3% from 55.34 at the end of the week before. The gold/oil ratio closed at 8.27, down 1.1% from 8.36 for the week. In the U.S. stock market, the Dow Jones Industrial Average closed at 10,989.09, down 0.2% from 11,014.55 for the week. The NASDAQ closed at 2,121.47 on Friday, down 0.4% from 2,129.95 at the close of the previous week. The yield on the ten-year U.S. Treasury note closed at 5.22%, up 9 basis points from 5.13 for the week (and up 25 basis points over the last two weeks).

Not a lot of change in the markets last week with the exception of long term interest rates in the United States (the ten-year Treasury up 25 basis points in two weeks). The widespread use of risky adjustable rate mortgages in the United States makes such interest rate increases potentially catastrophic:

Foreclosures may jump as ARMs reset

By J.W. Elphinstone, AP Business Writer

As more hybrid adjustable rate mortgages adjust upward and housing prices dip, many Americans can't refinance out of this squeeze. They are finding themselves trapped in too-high monthly payments, and some face foreclosures.

In 2003, Anita Britten refinanced her two-story brick cottage in Lithonia, Ga. using a hybrid adjustable rate mortgage, or ARM. Her lender reassured her that she could refinance out of the riskier loan into a traditional one when her interest rate started to reset.

Three years later, Britten can't get a new mortgage and her monthly payment has jumped by a third in six months. She can't afford her payments and may face foreclosure if her financial situation doesn't change.

For those who can't make their payments, foreclosure is the only way out.
Foreclosure figures just released by the Mortgage Bankers Association show that foreclosure activity fell in the first quarter of 2006 over the first quarter of 2005 for all loan categories except subprime loans. The MBA didn't specify how many of subprime loans were adjustable rate mortgages.

In the last several years, millions of Americans took equity out of their houses and refinanced when interest rates were at historical lows and housing prices were at record highs.

Many of them chose to refinance into hybrid ARMs that lenders were aggressively pushing. ARMs, which featured a low introductory interest rate that resets upward after a set period of time, were easier to qualify for than traditional fixed-rate loans.

...This year, more than $300 billion worth of hybrid ARMs will readjust for the first time. That number will jump to approximately $1 trillion in 2007, according to the MBA. Monthly payments will leap too, many beyond what homeowners can afford.

For example, Britten's monthly payment jumped from $1,079 to $1,340 at the beginning of this year. It rose again on June 1 by another $104 and is scheduled to increase again in December. Britten, who is also paying off student loans, went to a credit counseling service to help her avoid foreclosure.

"I've gotten rid of all my credit cards and I'm not supposed to refinance for another year," she said. "All I can do is tread water right now."

"ARMs are a ticking time bomb," said Brad Geisen, president and chief executive of property tracker Foreclosure.com. "Through 2006 and 2007, I'm pretty sure we'll see a high volume of foreclosures."

Last year, foreclosures hit a historical low nationwide at about 50,000. But that number has more than doubled since then, according to Foreclosure.com.

And delinquency rates appear to be rising, as well. While delinquency rates fell for most types of loans from the fourth quarter of 2005 because of a stronger economy, delinquencies for both prime and subprime ARM loans increased year-over-year in the first quarter, according to the MBA.

The hardest hit states so far are those that have experienced the roughest times economically. Michigan, Texas and Georgia lead the pack, specifically around Detroit, Dallas and Atlanta, whose major employers have run into strikes, bankruptcies and industry downturns.

But as the housing market slows, experts expect foreclosures to skyrocket in those areas that have experienced the highest appreciation rate - like California, Florida, Virginia and Washington, D.C.

"There is a direct correlation between foreclosure sales and market activity," said Dr. James Gaines, a research economist at The Real Estate Center at Texas A&M University. "If the rate of appreciation is not there, then there is an increase in foreclosure sales."

Gaines pointed out that although California's default notices are rising by the thousands, actual foreclosure sales remain in the hundreds. Because of California's still-active housing market, homeowners there can sell their properties before going into foreclosure.

On the flip side, in less active markets like Texas and Georgia, homeowners can't find a buyer in time and are forced into foreclosure.

But as the housing cools in these once hot markets at the same time that ARMs reset, many homeowners may be unable to dump their properties before going into foreclosure, Gaines predicts.

Additionally, Gaines pointed out that these same real estate markets also boasted a higher percentage of ARM originations, because most buyers could only get into their homes using an unconventional loan.

California, where the median home price reached $468,000 in April, leads the nation in the percentage of homes purchased with adjustable rate mortgages. Nationwide, ARMs account for 24 percent of all home loans.

"In our zeal to make mortgage lending more available to a greater number of people, it's normal to expect the foreclosure rate to go up," Gaines said.

Even investors in foreclosures are having a harder time finding good deals, as the housing market cools. Many homes that do end up in foreclosure auctions are saddled with more than one mortgage and have little or no equity - so the investors take a pass.

Falling home values are also affecting homeowners' ability to refinance into a traditional 30-year fixed rate loan to avoid foreclosure.

In 2002, Christopher Jones, 32, refinanced into a hybrid ARM with plans to refinance again when the rate started to readjust. At the time, his downtown Atlanta house appraised for $108,000.

Now, his monthly payments have shot up, but Jones can't sell his house for more than $84,000 and he can't get an appraisal for more than $85,000.

The appraisal firm told Jones that the value of houses in his neighborhood have fallen victim to a cooling market. With no other options left, Jones has decided to pack it in and foreclose on the house.

"I'm just going to take the loss," he said. "That's all I can do."

Some homebuyers, especially first-time buyers, may not have fully understood the risk of ARMs. In the rush to close on a house sale, especially in the frenzied market of the past few years, many first-time buyers often failed to get the full details of their loan from their mortgage broker.

"Sometimes buyers are very optimistic of how much mortgage they can handle, especially in a strong housing market with aggressive marketing of riskier mortgages," said Suzanne Boas, president of Consumer Credit Counseling Services of Greater Atlanta.

When Dora Angel of DeSoto, Texas bought her first home in 2003, she paid $141,000 for the brand new three-bedroom, two-bath home. At the time, her mortgage payment was $1,400 a month.

DeSoto originally thought that she had a fixed-rate loan. But about five months ago, she noticed that her monthly payment kicked up to $1,900. She only made the monthly payments by sacrificing payments on her credit cards, which pulled down her credit rating.

Now, DeSoto can't continue paying $1,900 each month, but, because of her credit ranking, she doesn't qualify for a fixed-rate mortgage.

"I was a first-time buyer. I was blind. I didn't know what questions to ask," she said. "And the mortgage brokers are there telling you what you want to hear just to get you in the mortgage."

Unfortunately, during a runaway market, many buyers, sellers and mortgage brokers were more excited about making deals than making smart deals, and the fallout has just begun.

"We are on the front of this ARM problem. It will roll out over the next several years," Boas said. "Owning a home is the American dream, but losing one is the ultimate nightmare."

Rising interest rates and foreclosures, in turn, lead to lower prices and sharp slowdown in the overall housing industry (including financial services workers, construction and renovation skilled tradespeople, real-estate agents, bankers and lawyers, hardware and home improvement retailers and those who manufacture all those goods sold by Ace and Home Depot and the lumber stores. All that now comprises a good chunk of the U.S. middle class.

Home sellers, builders feel pinch of slowdown

By Andrea Hopkins
Thu Jun 22, 12:34 PM ET

When Keith Gersin saw the perfect four-bedroom house in southern Ohio four years ago, he jumped to buy it before anyone else could snap it up. When he finally sold it last month, it went for $30,000 less than he had hoped -- and that after seven months on the market.

In retrospect, the 41-year-old physician admits he overestimated the U.S. housing market, which has begun cooling after five years of record-breaking sales and double-digit price appreciation.

"I was naive," said Gersin, who sold his Cincinnati-area home in May to move to North Carolina with his wife and son. He made about $60,000 on the sale, but had hoped for better.

"Everyone thinks their house is the most beautiful in the world, so it comes as a bit of a shock when it doesn't sell right away."

The housing slowdown -- sharp in some regions and more gradual in others -- is seen by many economists as an inevitable and even healthy moderation to an overheated market. Even so, for many homeowners, real-estate agents and builders, the market's new direction is not particularly welcome.

With mortgage rates rising, sales of existing homes were 5.7 percent slower in April than they were a year earlier, and the inventory of new homes is at a record high.

The rising supply of unsold homes makes it that much harder for homeowners to get the sale price they hoped for.

"In our neighborhood, on our street, there were three houses that went up for sale within months of each other," said Gersin.

Cincinnati real-estate agent Jeff Schnedl has seen a shift in the market.

"It is absolutely slower. Some areas are still chugging along but even those are chugging along more slowly than they used to," said Schnedl, who has been selling homes in the Ohio River city for five years.

A drive down any street in Cincinnati, whose suburbs straddle Ohio, Kentucky and Indiana, turns up plenty of "For Sale" signs -- with the occasional "Price Reduced" addendum slapped on top.

Schnedl said homes are staying on the market longer.

"There is a lot more inventory on the market this year than last year -- about 25 percent more. So buyers have more homes to choose from and that slows the sale cycle down. Plus with rising interest rates, people are thinking harder. That slows it down, too."

The average rate on a 30-year fixed mortgage rose to 6.63 percent last week, up a full percentage point from 5.63 percent last year, according to mortgage finance company Freddie Mac.

Such an increase boosts the cost of a $200,000 mortgage by about 11 percent, or $129 a month, to $1,281 -- an unwelcome jump for consumers who are already feeling the pinch of soaring energy prices.

The housing slowdown is also being felt by home builders. While housing starts rose 5 percent in May, permits for future groundbreaking -- an indication of builder confidence -- dropped to the lowest level since 2003, government figures showed this week...

But enough about the United States. What about the rest of the world? Well, nowadays, it's all tied together:

A hard landing in 2006 - just not in the US?

Brad Setser
Jun 18, 2006

Nouriel and I postulated back in early 2005 that there was a meaningful risk that the next "emerging market" crisis might come from the US - and it might come sooner than most expected. The basic quite simple: Ferguson's debtlodocus might find that it no longer could place its debt with the world's central banks, the dollar would fall, market interest rates would rise, US debt servicing costs would go up, the economy would slow and the value of a host of financial assets would tumble.

Why the emphasis on central banks? Simple: they have been the lender of last resort for the US, financing the US when private markets don't want to. See April 2006. Consequently, a truly bad scenario for the US seemed to require a change in central banks' policies. Real emerging markets aren't so lucky. When private markets don't want to finance them, they typically aren't bailed by someone else's central bank.

It sure doesn't look like sudden stops in financial flows and sharp markets moves have been banished from the international financial system. Certainly not this year. They just didn't strike the US, but other countries with large and rising current account deficits.

Iceland's currency is way down (its stock market too) even though interest rates on Icelandic krona are up. The private market's appetite for krona disappeared.

Inflation is up too, driven by the weak krona.

The Turkish lira is way down. Lira interest rates are way up - as is Turkish inflation.

Turkey's central bank sold dollars this week -- for the first time in quite some time. It was buying dollars in a big way in the first quarter. Times change.

Currency collapses do not necessarily translate into economic slumps. That was a key point that the Federal Reserve has made in response to fears about a US hard landing. A fall in the currency doesn't always translate into higher interest rates, at least in post-industrial countries. And in part because lots of the damage from a fall in the currency comes when firms, banks and the government have borrowed in foreign currency, turning a currency crisis into a debt crisis.

The US, thankfully, has financed itself by selling dollar-denominated debt, pushing currency risks onto its creditors. But so did Iceland. And even Turkey increasingly financed itself in Turkish lira. Particularly in 2005, there were big inflows into Turkey's local debt and equity markets. Turkey obviously still has a fair amount of dollar debt. It is an emerging market after all. But things were changing.

I still think the financial slump in both Iceland and Turkey could easily turn into a sharp economic slump. In both countries, both policy and market interest rates are up significantly - in part because a weaker currency (and still strong oil) translates into higher prices for imported goods. And I suspect higher interest will, over time, slow the pace of both economies' expansion.

One big reason why Turkey was growing fast was that because its banks were lending tons of money to Turkey's households, whether to buy a car or buy a house. But it only makes sense to lend long-term at 13% (say for a mortgage) if inflation and nominal interest rates are expected to fall over time. This year, both inflation and nominal rates rose. Ouch (if you are a bank).

I suspect that the result will be a significant slowdown in credit growth - and in the Turkish economy.

Charles Gottlieb of the European Capital Markets Institute notes that Iceland too was growing in part on the back of a strong expansion of credit (see his figure 1) - though in Iceland's case, demand for Icelandic Krona was for a while so long strong that Icelandic issuance alone couldn't meet it. Consequently, European banks started issuing so called Glacier bonds in krona (a note: I am sure the banks hedged their krona exposure, I just don't know how).

And Gottlieb nicely shows what a sudden stop looks like. See his Figure 4. It shows a huge surge foreign purchases of Icelandic securities issued by Icelandic residents (I think that means it excludes Glacier bonds) up until January of this year. And then a huge - and I mean huge - fall. Inflows became outflows. Foreigners sold; Icelanders bought.

I am not convinced Iceland is the next Thailand - but there are lots of unpleasant outcomes that aren't quite that severe.

Turkey and Iceland are not the only markets who went through a rather nasty sell-off. Emerging market equities just has their worst run since 1998. Of course, it comes after a huge run-up. And as no shortage of credible observers - like Ragu Rajan of the IMF -- have noted, the markets that are selling off the most are the markets that rose the most. That suggests that the causes of the sell-off are global, a change in the markets willingness to invest in emerging economies, not local - that is what the generally bearish BIS thinks and in this case they have support from some (former?) bulls, like MSDW's Turkey analyst Serhan Cevik.

Despite this indiscriminate sell-off, there is still no agreement among investors as to what the sudden burst of global volatility actually reflects. .... Risk reduction always brings indiscriminate selling of all 'risky' assets at the early stages, regardless of underlying economic structures and policy frameworks.

The team at Danske bank hasn't been as consistently bullish at Cevik, but they seems to agree that it is hard to pin down any fundamental cause of the recent sell-off.

I certainly didn't see this kind of global sell off of emerging economies coming, though I worried about a few specific markets. And not just ex post. But then again I am usually good for a cautionary quote ...

And in some sense, the fact that the current global sell-off focused on emerging economies is a bit strange. I see the logic: what went up too fast has to come down.

But the defining characteristic of the recent boom in private capital flows to emerging economies is that, at least in aggregate, capital was flowing into emerging economies didn't need the money. The US was attracting more financing that it needed to run very large deficits, and using some of the money to invest in emerging economies. And emerging economies were taking financial flows from say Europe and using them to lend to the US. It was a rather complex equilibrium.
Look at the statistical data in the latest issue of the World Bank's (very useful) Global Development Finance. Developing economies collectively ran a current account surplus of $245 billion in 2005. Private inflows of $490 billion were used to pay back the IMF and to build up reserves -- these countries reserves were up by $395b or so in dollar terms, more than their current account surplus.

(One note for true balance of payments geeks: the GDF's reserve increase isn't adjusted for valuation changes. If you make that adjustment, total reserve growth would be bigger, and the errors and other flows term would fall)

Of course, what happens in aggregate can mask big differences in the specifics. China, Saudi Arabia and Russia all had big current account surpluses. Brazil a more modest surplus. India had a small and growing deficit. Turkey - and Hungary -- had big deficits.

Despite these differences the equity markets of Russia, Brazil and Turkey have all tumbled this year. Foreign funds that poured into these economies earlier this year poured out in May. When the data comes in, the change will look a bit like Gottlieb's graph showing flows in and out of Iceland.

My hypothesis therefore is twofold:

The recent correction has been driven as much by developments inside the financial markets of the post-industrial economies as by a change in the emerging economies themselves. Hence the general sell-off.

And the impact of the correction will vary dramatically. Some countries didn't need inflows. Russia. Others did. Turkey. But even in turkey, the inflows that were coming in far exceeded what Turkey needed. In the first quarter, annualized inflows were something like $60b relative to a current account deficit of $30b. If flows go to $30 or $25 Turkey is fine. If they go to zero, not so much.

Actually, my hypothesis is threefold.

In April, the G-7 communique triggered a fall in the market's willingness to finance US deficits. We saw that in the TIC data. There also was a bit of a surge in capital inflows to Asia that prompted a bout of intervention. Central banks financed the US when markets didn't want to.

In May and early June, folks who borrowed dollars and yen to buy emerging market equities (and debt, to a lesser degree) sold their emerging market equities and repaid their loans. Call it deleveraging.

The net effect has been to help finance the US. Less money was flowing out of the US - US purchases of foreign equities averaged about $10b a month for the first four months of the year. And if Americans may have actually reduced their exposure to emerging economies in May and June. That too would help to finance the US deficit. Deficits can be financed by selling (external) assets as well as issuing (external) debt.

My question: What happens once this process is over?

Do higher US rates continue to draw the financing the US needs to run big current account deficits - a deficit that I still think will be over $900b?

In part because China and the oil exporters continue to use their central banks and oil investment funds to finance the US?

Or does the US join the list of high-carry (at least relative to Japan and Europe) countries that have experienced trouble in 2006?

And what happens if an incipient US slowdown start to generate expectations that US rates have peaked and won't provide as much support for the dollar?

If I had to guess, I would say Bill Gross (quoted in Business Week) is right.
It's like Peter Pan who shouts, "'Do you believe?' And the crowd shouts back, in unison, 'We believe.'" You can believe in fairy tales and Peter Pan as long as the crowd shouts back, "we believe." That's what the dollar represents, a store of value that people believe in. They can keep on believing, but there comes a point that they don't.

Greenspan was here two months ago and talked with us for two hours. The most interesting point was his comment that there will come a time when foreign central banks and foreign investors reach saturation levels with their dollar holdings, and so he sort of drew his hand across his neck as if they've had it. Why can't they keep on swallowing dollars? Logic would suggest that these things start to fray at the fringes. Once the snowball starts it can really get going. ...

The dollar is really well supported by its yield. We've got 5% overnight rates and Japan has zero. You get over 2% relative to the euro, so obviously 5% or 5.25% is dollar-supportive, and the more that Bernanke sounds off that he's going even higher, the more that supports the dollar. The real question is what starts it on the way down? At the moment people believe that's O.K. and yes, housing is starting down, but the rest of the economy is looking good, 2% to 3% GDP growth isn't so bad. I would say that if that's the case we've got a pretty good little fairy tale going here. But if it doesn't, if 5% leads to a crack in the housing market and the unwind of various global markets and the U.S. stock market ... If the stock market keeps going down then that's a sign that 5.25% is too onerous a rate. So what the question becomes then is can the U.S. economy be supported at that level? That's when the question of whether there's the possibility of an avalanche begins. If we get rates then down to 4.5% and then all of a sudden the [other central bankers] are moving up, the money flows out. It's not because of the [lack of a] yield advantage; they've had it up to their necks in terms of dollars. The unwind of the dollar can come from saturation or geopolitical issues or simply that the U.S. economy isn't as strong as people think and they stop believing in Tinkerbelle.

A big fall in the dollar isn't bad for the US. A big fall in financial inflows that led to a rise in US interest rates though is another story. A 200 bp move is not so big for emerging economies, but it is big for the US. And because the US financial system is much more leveraged, it would also have much bigger consequences.

Basically, to keep other central banks happy when the United States gobbling up debt, Bernanke has to raise interest rates much higher than would normally be warranted, just to avoid a currency collapse. And, he has to do it just when the economy is heading into a recession:

Key gauge points to slowing economy
Index of leading indicators fell more than expected in May as higher gas prices and interest rates start to bite.

June 22, 2006: 4:53 PM EDT

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A key forecasting gauge for the U.S. economy fell by a larger-than-expected 0.6 percent in May, a report from a private research group showed on Thursday.

The sharp decline in the Index of Leading Economic Indicators from the Conference Board outpaced market expectations for a 0.5 percent fall in May after an unrevised 0.1 percent fall in April.

Ken Goldstein, a labor economist at the Conference Board, cited a slew of factors inhibiting the economy even as leading indicators in European and Asian countries were showing strength.

"The cumulative impact of higher gasoline prices, higher costs to run the air conditioner this spring, a slowing housing market, higher interest rates, a loss of confidence and even higher taxes in some localities, have all combined to slow the forward pace of economic activity, pushing growth to a sub-par level this summer -- possibly extending into the fall," Goldstein said in a statement.

"Given the slower pace, the economy has less ability to absorb another round of strong hurricanes this summer," he added.

Seven of the 10 indicators that make up the leading index fell in May, the Conference Board said.

The largest negative contributor to the index was initial claims for unemployment insurance. The index of consumer expectations made the second largest negative contribution.

So once again we find ourselves in the paradoxical state of stagflation. High inflation, layoffs and high interest rates. The following piece by James Killus explains why stagflation is not as paradoxical as it seems:

Let me suggest a hypothetical.

Suppose there were two countries, in some sort of neo-colonial relationship. The rich country follows something like the German model, good social benefits, primarily tied to corporate employment, high capital stock, high education levels, and so forth. The poorer country has some social benefits, a social security system, a health care system that is overstressed and that doesn't cover everybody, stagnating wages, and its capital stock is almost entirely colonial, i.e. the other country owns almost all of it.

Both share a common currency, and on a cash flow basis, the poorer country is sending a lot of cash to the richer country.

Monetary policy from the central bank clearly affects both countries, but both countries can have different fiscal policies. Moreover, cash flows between the two countries can dominate their local monetary policies. The cash flow from the poor country to the rich country has, in fact, produced a liquidity trap in the poor country. By the same token, the same cash flow has created a high degree of liquidity in the rich country, but, because the rich country imports much of its goods and services, it hasn't seen much CPI inflation. Rather, it has had a series of asset price bubbles.

Now actually I'm talking about a single country here, the United States. The rich country consists of those who have substantial capital assets, and/or are well-situated in the corporate hierarchy. The poor country is low and middle income wage earners without major assets, whose primary asset, in fact, is their share of the social security system, and perhaps a low equity house in a "non-bubble" area like the mid-west.

The major cash flow is the Social Security surplus, which continues to divert enormous sums to the general fund, and the general fund pays out much of its cash to corporate contractors. Also whenever a member of the low income class buys something, a portion of that goes to the rich class, in the form of profits or the wages paid to the affluent class who manage the enterprise.

I think that, with only a few exceptions, "the poor country" has been in a liquidity trap for the past 25 years. CPI price inflation occurs when some of the liquidity that washes over the "rich country" manages to leak into "the poor country." It is then immediately stamped down by raising interest rates, which pulls yet more money from low income workers (who tend to be debtors). Since high income liquidity primarily affects asset prices, and since asset price inflation is not considered inflation, monetary policy does not react.

Economic "growth" has been confined to the high income group, but since this tends to consist of nominal asset growth, it is not clear to what extent the growth is real. It may be largely an artifact of asset price inflation whose effects have been confined to a part of the economy that doesn't show up in inflation estimates.

In short, the economy may actually be experiencing stagflation, but that is masked by asset price inflation. Any attempt to turn that nominal growth into actual consumption would trigger CPI inflation, which would immediately be met with interest rate hikes, which further hurt the real economy of low wage earners, but which does little to correct the underlying fiscal malady.


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Editorial: The Wall Street Journal Calls Hugo Chavez A Threat to World Peace

by Stephen Lendman

You won't find commentary and language any more hostile to Hugo Chavez than on the editorial page of the Wall Street Journal. Their June 23 piece by Mary Anastasia O'Grady in the Americas column is a clear, jaw-dropping example. It's practically blood-curdling in its vitriol which calls Hugo Chavez a threat to world peace. The sad part of it is Journal readers believe this stuff and are likely to support any US government efforts to remove the "threat."

The O'Grady article is about the elections scheduled to take place in the fall for five non-permanent UN Security Council seats to be held in 2007. One of them will be for the Latin American seat now held by Argentina. The two countries vying to fill the opening are Guatemala and Venezuela, and the other countries in the region will vote on which one will get it. You won't have to think long to guess the one the US supports - its Guatemalan ally, of course. And why not. For over 50 years its succession of military and civilian governments have all followed the dictates of their dominant northern neighbor. In so doing, they all managed to achieve one of the world's worst human rights records that hasn't abated even after the 1996 Peace Accords were signed ending a brutal 36 year conflict. Although the country today is nominally a democratic republic, it continues to abuse its people according to documented reports by Amnesty International.

Amnesty is aware of sexual violence and extreme brutality against women including 665 murders in 2005 gotten from police records; 224 reported attacks on human rights activists and organizations in the same year with little or no progress made investigating them; forced evictions and destruction of homes of indigenous people in rural areas (echoes of Palestine); and no progress by the government and Constitutional Court in seeking justice for decades of genocidal crimes and crimes against humanity committed by paramilitary death squads and the Guatamalan military. The sum of these and other unending abuses led Amnesty to call Guatamala a "land of injustice."

That record of abuse hardly matters to the Bush administration nor did it bother any past ones either since the CIA fomented a coup in 1954 ousting the country's democratically elected leader Jacobo Arbenz Guzman. That coup began a half century reign of terror against the country's indigenous Mayan majority. It was fully supported by a succession of US presidents who were quite willing to overlook it as long as Guatamalan governments maintained a policy of compliance with the US agenda. They all did, and in return received the support and blessing of the US and its corporate giants that continue to suck the life out of that oppressed country.

Guatamala fills the bill nicely for the Bush administration and would be expected to be a close ally in support of US positions that come up for votes in the UN Security Council. Venezuela, on the other hand, is a different story. Since he was first democratically elected in 1998, Hugo Chavez has done what few other leaders ever do. He's kept his promises to his people to serve their interests ahead of those of other nations, especially the US that's dominated and exploited Venezuela for decades. He's served them well, and in so doing engendered the wrath of his dominant northern neighbor that already has tried and failed three times to oust him and is now planning a fourth attempt to do it.

The idea of a Chavez-led government holding a seat on the Security Council does not go down well in Washington, and the Bush administration is leading a campaign to prevent it with aid and support of the kind of attack-dog journalism found in the Wall Street Journal. Honest observers know this newspaper of record for corporate America has a hard time dealing with facts it dislikes so it invents the ones it does to use in their place.

The June 23 editorial is a good example. It extolls the record of the Guatamalan government with its long-standing record of extreme abuse against its own people falsely claiming it's been "accumulating an impressive record of international cooperation on a variety of UN efforts." It claims one of its main qualifications is its "active role in international peacekeeping" and that the country is now home to a Central American regional peacekeeping school and training center. Oddly, it mentions that Guatamalan peacekeepers are now serving in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan and Haiti. What it fails to mention is that those so-called "peacekeepers," along with those from other countries serving with them, have in large part functioned as paramilitary enforcers, and in that capacity have committed gross human rights abuses against the local people rather than trying to protect them. The WSJ writer surely knows this but didn't choose to share that information with her readers. Instead she extolls the country's "democratic credentials." But readers with any knowledge of recent Guatamalan history surely know that country's true record is one of extreme violence and abuse against its own people and one no one would think of as a nation representing them democratically.

The WSJ's June 23 editorial is titled "A Vote for Venezuela Is a Vote for Iran." The commentary in it is one of the paper's most extreme diatribes against the Venezuelan leader which would seem to indicate the Bush administration and corporate America are stepping up their attack on Hugo Chavez in advance of when they plan to make their move to oust him. The Journal writer calls him a "strongman" in an "oil dictatorship" leading a government that values "tyranny and aggression" who'll use his seat and Council presidency when his nation assumes it to support "hostile states" like Iran, Cuba, Sudan and North Korea. Observers knowledgeable about Venezuela under Chavez would have a hard time containing themselves as the true Chavez record is totally opposite the one the Journal portrays. The Journal writer, of course, knows this, but would never report it in her column. Her employer and the interests it serves wouldn't be pleased if she did.

While claiming that a Guatamala seat on the Council is a "voice for the region, not its own national interests," it says Venezuela's "rests largely on oil 'diplomacy' and the capacity to push anti-American buttons around the UN." It goes on to state "It may seem strange Venezuela has any support in the region. Over the past seven years, its meddling in its neighbors' politics 'have' (even the grammar is wrong) earned it a reputation as a bully. Mr. Chavez is persona non grata in more than a few Latin nations. Many countries are worried about Venezuela's 'big spending' to acquire fighter jets and 100,000 kalisnikovs from Russia." Readers may need to pause to catch their breath.

What the Journal writer doesn't explain is far more important than what she does - but she's doing her job as a servant of the US empire. Chavez's so-called "oil diplomacy," in fact, is based on his Bolivarian Alternative of the Americas or ALBA. It's based on the principles of complementarity (not competition), solidarity (not domination), cooperation (not exploitation) and respect for other nations' sovereignty free from the control of dominant powers like the US and its large transnational corporations. It's the mirror opposite of US-style predatory capitalism and the one-sided trade agreements it uses to exploit other countries for its own gain.

The nations participating in ALBA-style agreements are able to operate outside the usual international banking and corporate trading system in their exchange of goods and services so that each country benefits and none loses - just the opposite of the one-sided way the US operates. Because Venezuela is rich in oil, it's been able to trade that vital commodity with its neighbors who need it, even sell it to them at below-market prices, and get back in return the products and services its trading partners can supply on an equally favorable basis. It's a true "win-win" arrangement for participating countries but one that angers the US because it cuts its corporations and big banks out of the process. The Chavez plan is to help his people, not serve the interests of the corporate giants or dominant US neighbor. The WSJ calls this "meddling" and Chavez a "bully." What glorious meddling it is, in the true spirit of the country's Bolivarian Revolution, and "bully" to Hugo Chavez for doing it.

As for Chavez's so-called "big spending" for weapons that has "many countries worried," one must wonder which countries the Journal writer means. She mentions none, which she surely would have and quoted their officials if, in fact, there were any. The truth, of course, is Hugo Chavez is acting no differently than most all other countries in the region or elsewhere, has expressed no hostility toward any of them, has never invaded a neighbor or threatened to, and is a model of a peace-promoting leader who's only taking sensible steps to upgrade his small military and protect his nation against a hostile US he has every reason to believe will attack him. But you'll never find that commentary on the pages of the Wall Street Journal.

The Journal editorial ends in grand style. It demeans the poor countries of the region benefitting from below-market priced Venezuelan oil as likely supporting that country for the Latin American Council seat. It also attacks Argentina for being a "Venezuelan pawn," calling it "once a haven for Nazis" (the US was and still is), and stating "the country has been so incompetent about managing its 'resources' that it too needs charity from Mr. Chavez." Indeed, Argentina had big financial trouble at the end of the 1990s, but the Journal writer doesn't explain why. It was because the country became the "poster child" model for US-style neoliberal free market capitalism in the 1990s. It wrecked the economy causing it to collapse into bankruptcy it's still struggling to recover from.

The Journal writer also attacks Bolivia and Cuba for supporting Chavez but is particularly hostile to the Lula government in Brazil for its siding with the Venezuelan leader. She calls that support "surprising" and accused the Brazilian government of being "Bolivia's unofficial energy advisor (that) orchestrated the confiscation of Brazilian assets (in Bolivia) recently." Bolivian president Evo Morales nationalized his nation's energy resources which Bolivian law clearly states the nation owns. He confiscated nothing, which the Journal writer surely knows but failed to tell her readers. She also mentioned a so-called "eternal Brazilian struggle to prove that it can challenge US 'hegemony' in the region (that) trumps the need to regain dignity and protect its investments abroad." Left out of the commentary is any mention that Argentina, Bolivia, Cuba and Brazil are sovereign states with the right to support whatever policies and other countries they wish without needing US approval to do it.

About the only final comment the Journal writer can make is to claim Guatamala has the "solid backing of the 'more serious democracies' in the region - such as Colombia and Mexico." It's likely what the writer means by "serious" is those countries' elections are about as free and fair as ours - meaning, they only are for the power-elites controlling them who arrange the outcomes they want.

The June 23 Wall Street Journal editorial was a typical example of what this newspaper calls journalism and editorial commentary. This writer follows it to learn what the US empire likely is up to. In the case of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, it's no doubt up to no good. The continued hostile rhetoric is clearly to signal another attempt to oust the Venezuelan leader at whatever time and by whatever means the Bush administration has in mind. Stay tuned.

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com.
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Israel's God-Given Right to Kill


Israeli "Justice": An eye for an eye

By Yoel Marcus
Haaretz

It is easy enough for a political leader, who spends most of his life traveling in an armored car, protected by bodyguards from all sides, to tell Sderot residents not to panic. If Qassams were landing every day and every night in Savyon, Ramat Aviv and Herzliya Pituah, I am not certain that Vice Premier Shimon Peres would have uttered that stupid phrase "Qassams-Shmassams."
Peres, known for his preoccupation with defense issues, has never experienced battle. Throughout his career, he has never been under mortar and rocket fire. He lives in a bubble, like a Nobel Prize-winning scientist who has an algebraic formula that nobody understands - the essence of which is that one must not get hysterical, one must be steadfast. Theoretically, everyone agrees with it and admires his wisdom, certainly in Paris and in other world capitals. But when he demands that Sderot residents not panic, he proves just how cut off he is from the people. Preaching that people should not panic or get hysterical is justified, but the question is, why should Sderot have to play the role of a second Massada? Is it a military post or something? Is it an illegal settlement outpost? Is it in occupied territory?

The moment the Israel Defense Forces evacuated Gaza and its Jewish settlements, in which a third generation of settlers lived, and handed the territory over to the Palestinians, the firing of Qassams should have stopped immediately, if only to encourage Israel to continue to withdraw. The expectations that the Palestinians would rapidly construct multistory buildings in the evacuated territories to house refugees and create an atmosphere of progress were dashed. Instead, the liberated territories turned into a firing base. The increased bombardment of Israeli territory is the last thing that Israeli peace-seekers expected following the beginning of the end of the occupation and the separation from the dream of the greater land of Israel.

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The firing of hundreds of Qassams into Israel is not only annoying; it is also unwise. Not only does this not serve the Palestinians, it also strengthens Israeli opponents of evacuating most of the territories. The Qassam launches, which have made the lives of Sderot residents hell, may derive from rivalry among the terror organizations, or from a desire to get rid of Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen). If so, they do not need our services as mediators. There is no political logic to the Qassam fire; it has one sole aim: to kill Israeli civilians because they are Israelis. Only a miracle from heaven and technical flaws in the rockets have prevented mass slaughter in Sderot. But the very fact that a town in sovereign Israeli territory lives in fear every day is intolerable.

The internecine motives of the war of attrition that the Palestinians have declared on us - whether it is a competition between Hamas and Islamic Jihad or among other organizations - should not interest us. It is the government's obligation to protect its citizens. Over time, harsh responses have been suggested, among them wiping Beit Hanun off the face of the earth. Amram Mitzna, both a dove and a major general, has insisted that for every Qassam, "we have to come down on them with all our might."

The response that Israel has chosen thus far is pinpoint deterrence: Artillery fire at every site from which Qassams are launched, from air, land and sea. Now, pinpoint assassinations have also been added. In this method of response, civilians, women and children are killed by mistake, to a large extent because the terror organizations intentionally operate from within densely populated Palestinian territory, thus endangering their own people. And wonder of wonders: The Palestinians, who are firing exclusively at civilian targets, are raising an outcry, while we are apologizing. The sensitive souls among us are even infuriated at the killing of innocent and blameless Palestinian civilians. And are the inhabitants of Sderot not innocent and blameless? The Palestinians are knowingly and intentionally firing indiscriminately at civilian population centers, while we are looking for those who are doing the firing and expressing regret for killing by mistake.

A Qassam that is fired into the heart of a population center, even if it does not kill anyone, is tantamount to a Qassam that has hit the target and caused a mass slaughter of civilians, and it demands a strong response. The Palestinians should know that if our civilians continue to be targeted indiscriminately, their civilians, too, are liable to become a target. Not in the Peres-Shmeres method, but in the eye for an eye method.

Comment from Jeff Blankfort: When Israelis massacre Palestinians, it is not a massacre. When Palestinians fire home-made rockets at Israel and no one is killed it is a slaughter. This is what veteran Israeli journalist wants his readers to believe in this extraordinary paragraph that concludes his article:

"A Qassam that is fired into the heart of a population center,
even if it does not kill anyone, is tantamount to a Qassam that has hit the target and caused a mass slaughter of civilians, and it emands a strong response."


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Palestinians launch raid from Gaza into Israel

By Nidal al-Mughrabi
Reuters
June 25, 2006

RAFAH, Gaza Strip - Palestinian militants launched on Sunday their first deadly raid into Israel from Gaza since an Israeli pullout last year, killing two soldiers in an assault on a military post in which two attackers also died.

An Israeli military spokesman said a soldier was missing after the incident, which raised tensions along the Gaza border to their highest point since Israel completed a withdrawal of troops and settlers last September after 38 years of occupation.

Israeli forces scrambled across the frontier into the
Gaza Strip to search for the soldier amid fears he was kidnapped. There was no immediate claim from any of the militant groups that took part in the dawn raid that they were holding him.
A strong Israeli military response to the assault, claimed by the armed wing of the governing Hamas group and the Popular Resistance Committees (PRC) as an "earthquake reaction" to recent air strikes that killed 14 Palestinian civilians, seemed likely.

"This was a very serious Hamas terrorist attack," Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said in broadcast remarks.

"Israel sees the Palestinian Authority headed by Chairman Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) and the Palestinian government responsible for the incident, with all that implies," he said, raising speculation Hamas leaders could be targeted.

Abbas, in a statement, said the raid, near the Kerem Shalom crossing, "violated the national consensus." He called on the international community "to prevent Israel from exploiting the attack to carry out large-scale aggression in the Gaza Strip."

The Israeli military spokesman said seven to eight gunmen infiltrated through a tunnel militants had dug under Israel's border fence near the Kerem Shalom crossing.

"They divided into three cells. One attacked an armored personnel carrier. The APC was empty. Another group attacked a tank with grenades ... causing two deaths and one serious injury. Another two attacked another position with gunfire," the spokesman said.

"Then they returned to Gaza ... We have two dead, three wounded and a soldier that is missing."

Hamas and the Popular Resistance Committees said two gunmen were killed.

"LIMITED ENTRY"

A spokesman for Hamas's Izz el-Deen al-Qassam brigades said about the missing soldier: "We neither confirm nor deny (we have him)."

Army Radio said Israeli generals had convened to discuss a possible broad ground operation in response to the raid.

Witnesses said that in the aftermath of the gun battle, two Israeli tanks backed by a helicopter crossed into an empty field in the Gaza Strip at the scene of the attack. The army said it was a "limited entry" to search the area.

Israeli air strikes, amid daily cross-border rocket launchings from Gaza, have killed 20 Palestinians in the past two weeks, 14 of them civilians.

Hamas and the PRC said their assault was also in response to the Israeli assassination this month of PRC leader Jamal Abu Samhadana.

Hamas, which heads the Palestinian government, ended a 16-month-old truce with Israel on June 9 after seven members of one Palestinian family were killed on a Gaza beach during a day of heavy Israeli shelling.

Hamas has blamed Israel for those deaths. Israel has denied responsibility.

Hamas, a militant movement sworn to Israel's destruction, came to power in March after winning a parliamentary election in January.



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Lebanon Condemns U.N. for Ignoring "Israeli Spy Network"

25/06/2006

Lebanese Foreign Minister Fawzi Salloukh stated yesterday that his country reserves the right to call upon the U.N. Security Council to hold a debate on Israeli Mossad espionage, which he claims was recently discovered in Lebanon.

Salloukh added that he would pass on information about the Israeli spy network and those involved in it to U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan. The minister expressed his surprise that the U.N. adviser on diplomatic matters had not raised the issue of Israeli espionage in the monthly report that he presents to the Security Council.

Salloukh stressed that, "this issue is very dangerous, especially when it comes to Israeli violations of Lebanese airspace."


Comment: The issue is much more dangerous that most think. We also would like to see the UN investigate Israeli spy networks and their activities - specifically concerning the murder of Rafik Hariri, the Madrid bombings and the 9/11 attacks, to name but a few.

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Hamas militants attack Israeli military outpost

Posted on Sun, Jun. 25, 2006
By Dion Nissenbaum
Knight Ridder Newspapers

JERUSALEM - For the first time since its leaders took control of the Palestinian government in March, Hamas militants led a sophisticated pre-dawn attack Sunday on an Israeli military outpost along the Gaza border, killing two soldiers and abducting a third.

The raid created the most serious crisis here since Israel pulled out of the Gaza Strip last summer.

Israeli tanks almost immediately moved into the fringes of the Gaza Strip, talks between rival Palestinian factions over ending attacks inside Israel fell apart, and Egyptian diplomats worked feverishly to prevent the situation from spinning out of control.
JERUSALEM - For the first time since its leaders took control of the Palestinian government in March, Hamas militants led a sophisticated pre-dawn attack Sunday on an Israeli military outpost along the Gaza border, killing two soldiers and abducting a third.

The raid created the most serious crisis here since Israel pulled out of the Gaza Strip last summer.

Israeli tanks almost immediately moved into the fringes of the Gaza Strip, talks between rival Palestinian factions over ending attacks inside Israel fell apart, and Egyptian diplomats worked feverishly to prevent the situation from spinning out of control.

Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and his military leaders warned the Palestinian government that it would be held responsible for the safety of the kidnapped soldier, Cpl. Gilad Shalit, 19.

"We intend to respond to what happened this morning in such a way that everyone involved will know the price they will pay will be painful, and if the situation does not change, will hurt sevenfold," said Israeli Defense Minister Amir Peretz.

It was unclear whether the attack could have taken place without the knowledge of top-level Hamas leaders. Nor was it clear how long the operation had been planned. In taking credit for the attack, militants called it retaliation for several recent Israeli raids, but the Palestinians attacked the Israeli outpost through a 700-yard tunnel that Capt. Noa Meir of the Israel Defense Forces said would have taken months to dig.

The new Hamas-led government urged militants holding Shalit to keep him safe, but stopped short of calling for his release. Israel's Cabinet met late Sunday night to weigh its options and reportedly cleared the way for a possible rescue attempt before staging a wider military assault.

But efforts to free Shalit could be tempered by painful memories of past efforts to rescue kidnapped Israelis. In 1994, another 19-year-old soldier, Israeli-American Nachson Waxman, was kidnapped by Hamas militants and killed five days later during a failed Israeli rescue mission.

Sunday's attack came as Hamas leaders were working out the final details of an agreement with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas to halt attacks inside Israel.

Abbas, who leads the more moderate Fatah party, joined Israel in criticizing Hamas for staging the raid just as the two sides were finalizing a deal that would have barred such attacks.

Sunday's attack took place before dawn at an Israeli army outpost near the Kerem Shalom kibbutz, which lies just inside Israel at Gaza's southern end. The kibbutz is about four miles southeast of Rafah and about two miles northeast of the Egyptian border.

Using a tunnel more than a third of a mile long, three teams of Palestinian commandoes surprised soldiers at the outpost with mortars, machine guns and hand grenades.

The tunnel, which began under a Palestinian home 400 yards inside the Gaza Strip, stretched 300 yards into Israel.

At least two of the Palestinian militants were wearing Israeli military uniforms during the assault.

Two Israeli soldiers were killed and four others wounded, the Israeli military said.

Two Palestinians were also killed, but five or six others managed to escape back into the Gaza Strip with Shalit, who was seen walking with his captors, the Israeli military said.

The raid - dubbed "Operation Fading Illusion" by the attackers - marked the first time since Hamas took over the Palestinian government that its militant wing has launched such an assault inside Israel. Until this month, Hamas had largely stood by a 16-month cease-fire with Israel as smaller militant groups launched suicide bombings and other attacks on Israelis.

But Hamas called off its cease-fire in early June after a series of inflammatory deaths. First, Israel assassinated a top Hamas security official and leading Gaza Strip militant, Jamal Abu Samhadana, in an aerial missile strike. The following day, eight Palestinian civilians out for a day at the beach were killed in an explosion during an Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip coast.

An Israeli military investigation declared that none of its shells hit the Palestinians that afternoon, but the findings are in dispute, and Hamas immediately resumed launching rudimentary rockets into southern Israel.

The Hamas military wing joined Samhadana's Popular Resistance Committees and a new group called the Islamic Army in taking credit for the attack, calling it a response to the recent Israeli attacks, including three botched missile strikes that killed 13 Palestinian civilians in the past two weeks.

"The operation is a natural response to the occupation crimes and massacres against the Palestinian people," said Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri. "Hamas will continue to resist as long as there is occupation."

Sunday's kidnapping was the first since 2000, when three Israeli soldiers were kidnapped and killed by Hezbollah forces on Israel's border with Lebanon. Their bodies were returned to Israel four years later as part of a prisoner exchange.

Knight Ridder Newspapers special correspondent Cliff Churgin contributed to this report from Jerusalem.

Comment from Jeff Blankfort:P "But efforts to free I could be tempered by painful memories of past efforts to rescue kidnapped Israelis. In 1994, another 19-year-old soldier, Israeli-American Nachson Waxman, was kidnapped by Hamas militants and killed five days later during a failed Israeli rescue mission."

This is another classic example of how the Zionist controlled US media covers the Israel-Palestine conflict. Soldiers are not kidnapped, they are captured (except, it appears when they are Israelis). Children and innocent civilians are kidnapped (unless they happen to Palestinian, apparently, and they are simply arrested or detained). Israeli soldiers and soldiers of any country on active duty are not innocents.. One positive: the author did not refer to the Hamas militants as "terrorists" since attacks on soldiers are not terrorist acts despite the statements to the contrary by the Israeli and US propaganda ministries, This is a good basis for letters to the editor because you can compliment the paper on not using "terrorists" but criticize them for using "kidnapping."


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Islamic Army rejects to release seized Israeli soldier

www.chinaview.cn 2006-06-26 17:47:01

GAZA, June 26 (Xinhua) -- The new Palestinian militant group participated in the abduction of an Israeli soldier in Gaza under the name of the Islamic Army said on Monday that the group is an offshoot of the Popular Resistance Committees (PRC).

The PRC is also a close ally to the ruling Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) and have carried out, along with the Islamic Army, an attack against an Israeli army post at Kerem Shalom crossing in southeastern Gaza Strip, abducting Israeli soldier and killing two others.
A spokesman of the Islamic Army, calling himself as Abu Muthana, affirmed to reporters that the seized Israeli soldier would not be handed "as a present for any European or Arab side."

"We have spent nights for the sake of carrying out such operation, so would we hand him as a free present without any charge while our prisoners are held in Israel and the bodies of our martyrs are in Israeli morgues," he wondered.

About 8500 Palestinians are held in Israeli jails, including a number of senior Hamas activists who have spent more than 20 years in prison.

Abu Muthana also denounced the Israeli raid at the Palestinian jail of Jericho where Ahmed Sa'dat, the Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, was kidnapped by Israeli soldiers and transported to Israel.

As he welcomed the Egyptian mediation to free the Israeli soldier, Abu Muthana wondered "where the mediations were when Sa'dat was abducted, when the family of Ghalia was killed and when the Secretary-General of the PRC, Jamal Abu Samhadana, was assassinated."

The PRC, most of its members were Fatah fighters, has supported Hamas in the January parliamentary elections.

After taking office in March, the Hamas-led government has appointed Abu Samhadana of the PRC as the General Director of the Interior Ministry. A few weeks later, Israel assassinated Abu Samhadana since he was wanted for Israel since the year 2000.



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Erekat warns of Israeli reoccupation of Gaza Strip

www.chinaview.cn 2006-06-26 17:07:34

RAMALLAH, June 26 (Xinhua) -- Chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat warned on Monday of a possible Israeli reoccupation of the Gaza Strip in the wake of the kidnapping of an Israeli soldier on Sunday.

"The situation is really dangerous, we might face not only a large-scale military operation, but also reoccupation of the Gaza Strip," Erekat told the Voice of Palestine.
He said that President Mahmoud Abbas, who was in Gaza at the moment, has been holding "intensive and multi-level contacts" with Arab leaders and the Middle East quartet comprising the United States, the European Union, Russia and the United Nations.

Erekat went on to say that Israel contacted the Palestinian National Authority via a third party, saying that "they (Israelis) contacted the U.S., which, in return, contacted us and also contacted Spain and the EU."

An Israeli soldier was abducted in an attack launched by eight Palestinian militants from three armed groups on an Israeli army post near Kerem Shalom crossing on the Gaza-Israel border on Sunday, in which two Israeli soldiers were killed and four others wounded.

Hamas' armed wing Izz el-Deen al-Qassam Brigades, the leftist Popular Resistance Committees and the little-known Islamic Army jointly claimed responsibility for the fierce attack.

The Israeli army said that the missing soldier was still alive, vowing to spare no effort to secure his safe return. In the wake of the deadly attack, Israeli troops invaded the Gaza Strip in the largest intrusion since Israel pulled out forces and settlers from the Gaza Strip last summer after a 38-year-long presence there.

Erekat also urged the abductors to keep the soldier alive to avoid an imminent Israeli military operation on the Gaza Strip.



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Olmert says army ready for major Gaza operation

Mon Jun 26, 2006
Reuters

Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said on Monday he had put the army on standby for a major military offensive against Palestinian militants in Gaza as officials tried to secure the release of a kidnapped soldier.

Olmert warned of a "comprehensive and protracted operation" after a raid into Israel on Sunday by militants including members of the ruling Hamas movement. The gunmen killed two soldiers and carried off a third. Two attackers were killed.

Israel has vowed reprisals that could include the re-invasion of Gaza, a coastal territory it quit last year after 38 years of occupation, or the assassination of Hamas leaders.

"Let it be clear: We will reach everyone, no matter where they are, and they know it," Olmert said in a speech in Jerusalem. "There will not be immunity for anyone."

[...] Israeli officials have hinted that should the deadline for Shalit's release go unmet, there could be an aerial blitz on Gaza targeting both civilian infrastructure and Hamas leaders including Palestinian Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh.

Israeli troops and armour have also been massing on Gaza's borders. Ramon said that an incursion, if ordered, would not constitute a reoccupation of the cramped and impoverished strip.

"When we go in, this operation, even if it lasts more than a couple of days, will not last for years," he said. "We left Gaza, we are not there. There is no reason for anyone in Gaza to act against Israel."
Olmert's inner cabinet have given the Palestinians until Tuesday to return Corporal Gilad Shalit, 19, a conscript tank gunner.

Palestinian security officials said there were negotiations with a group of gunmen that claimed responsibility for the border raid, although they have not confirmed holding Shalit.

"We are continuing our efforts to release the kidnapped soldier," one mediator said on condition of anonymity. "As of now, we have been told that the soldier is fine."

Olmert held both Hamas and President Mahmoud Abbas responsible for the raid, dashing any chance Israel could revive peacemaking with the moderate leader and circumventing the hardline Palestinian government with which he shares power.

Comment: Note the comment that Israel plans to target "civilian infrastructure", which of course means targetting Palestinian civilians. Note also the statement by the Israeli government official that "We left Gaza, we are not there, there is no reason for anyone in Gaza to act against Israel"

Such "logic" can only be understood from a complete biased perspective. Israel has confined 1.4 million Palestinians into a tiny parcel of Palestinian land known as the Gaza strip. It regularly cuts off food and essential goods deliveries to Gaza and has entirely destroyed any economic infrastructure that existed. The Israeli army regularly fires missile indiscriminately into Gaza, killing many Palestinian civilians. People in Gaza are generally forbidden to leave to see family members living in other parts of occupied Palestinian land. Palestinians in Gaza are being squeezed mercilessly and murdered, on almost a daily basis, by the Israeli government. Yet that same government has the gall to say that "there is no reason for anyone in Gaza to act against Israel."

You see, the "natural law" that Olmert et al is following here is that the life of one Israeli Jew is worth 1,000 lives of lesser people, especially the Palestinians, as he more or less stated last week. So while anyone else might see Palestinian militant attacks on an Israeli army that is occupying Palestinian land as justified, Israeli politicians feel compelled now to invade Gaza and seek retribution in the form of the murder of dozens of Palestinian civilians.

Such is the "law" to which the psychopath adheres.


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Getting locked up to get away from it all

Globe & Mail
MARK MACKINNON
Monday, June 19, 2006, Page A1

A mother wonders why her son prefers life in an Israeli jail

NABLUS, WEST BANK -- Mohammed Kharaz wanted to get away. He longed to escape the stretches of boredom broken by intense eruptions of violence that are a teenager's life in this strife-ridden city. So, for a break, he got himself thrown into an Israeli jail.
The idea wasn't even his, the 17-year-old confesses. He first heard it from a kid who sat beside him in class: If you get yourself arrested by the Israeli army, they send you to a prison with digital television, interesting books and even a decent soccer pitch. In short, everything you don't find in Nablus, a city cut off from the rest of the West Bank by a series of Israeli military checkpoints.

To Mohammed, it sounded like a dream vacation. So on Feb. 25, he tucked a kitchen knife under his shirt and headed toward the concrete barriers and metal turnstiles that block the road south to Ramallah.

It played out just as his friend described. When he got to the front of the long, slow-moving line of Palestinians seeking to leave Nablus, an Israeli soldier told him to lift up his shirt. With a sniper's rifle pointed at his chest, Mohammed pulled out the knife.

"Two soldiers jumped on top of me and started beating me up, but I didn't care," Mohammed recalled. "Getting arrested was like a fashion trend. It was the thing to do."

It's the latest peculiarity in a region already full of contradictions: Palestinian youths, who speak openly of their hatred for Israel, willingly putting themselves into Israeli custody because life in jail is seen as being better than life at home. Call it teen angst gone awry in a conflict zone.

"It's a real phenomenon," said Jacob Dallal, a spokesman for the Israeli army. He said soldiers had seen dozens of cases like Mohammed's, coming from both Nablus and nearby Jenin. "It's sort of a backhanded compliment to the [Israeli army] and the prison service. It passes from word of mouth that the conditions are not so bad in Israeli jails."

The first few nights after his arrest -- he was held with five others in a tiny cell just outside the Hawara checkpoint where he had been arrested -- were a gruelling disappointment for Mohammed. But 12 days later, he got the break he was hoping for: a transfer to Ofer prison, an Israeli jail for Palestinian prisoners just outside Ramallah.

Conditions in Ofer, the site of large-scale prisoners' riots late last year, have come under attack from human-rights groups alleging the torture and mistreatment of detainees. But Mohammed, as his classmates had promised him, had a different experience.

Prison life was a welcome break from the numbing routine of days sitting in school, evenings helping his father at the family's tailoring business and nights broken by gunfire. It was also a respite from his cramped family home where six people live in two small rooms, and from his father's insistence that the Western-dressed teenager abide by a strict interpretation of Islam.

"Ofer was like paradise. You could go to the toilet whenever you wanted, and we had a good time playing football and table tennis in the big courtyard. I started reading good books in there," he said, his hair short and gelled, and a hint of future stubble ringing his thin face. With a shy glance at his father, he added, "And I could stay up as late as I wanted."

Mohammed was pleased to get a seven-month sentence. He was crestfallen when his father, Qasim, paid a $250 bond to get him released early. "I was disappointed. My classmate who was sitting next to me went to jail two days before me and he's still there," he said jealously, suffering his father's glare. "In prison, there's digital television. You can watch everything. Out here, there's nothing."

While the stern Mr. Kharaz isn't impressed with his son's antics, he understands the motivation. "When a person becomes a young man, he starts looking for entertainment, and there are no good sports centres around here. All the sports fields in Nablus are all made of asphalt."

Other youths who have gotten arrested at the Hawara checkpoint did so in hopes of helping their families out of increasingly dire financial situations. Until a cut in Western aid forced the Palestinian Authority into effective insolvency earlier this year, the government paid a monthly stipend of about $200 to Palestinians held in Israeli jails.

Samira Tabbouq's son Mahmoud just celebrated his 18th birthday inside Ofer. Mahmoud has gotten himself jailed twice in the past two years in hopes of getting money for his family, and his mother glows with pride describing her son's crafty efforts to get the Israelis to arrest him.

Last year, Ms. Tabbouq said her son got arrested at Hawara checkpoint while carrying a smoke bomb he had made from sugar and coal. When the Israelis released him from jail 2½ weeks later, he began plotting to get sent back.

The teenaged Mahmoud became the sole breadwinner for the family of eight when his father, a construction worker, was injured in a workplace accident five years ago.

At first, Mahmoud struggled to find after-school work in this economically depressed town that has been largely isolated from the outside world since Israel built the checkpoints during the height of the recent Palestinian intifada.

"His father pressured him to bring home money, to be a man, to help us with our poverty," Ms. Tabbouq said. "He would come home with nothing and his father would beat him."

On Feb. 4 of this year, he headed toward Hawara with a knife under his shirt and, ever since, has been in jail awaiting trial. Even though the Palestinian Authority's cash crunch means he's not helping his family financially, his mother, who visits him regularly, says he's as happy as he's been for a long time, reading books and dreaming of getting married and moving to Syria.

"My son is in jail because he has a big brain and is very intelligent. He thought about it a long time and realized the only way out of his economic and mental crisis was in prison," Ms. Tabbouq said.

Ironically, another reason Mahmoud wanted to go back to jail was to concentrate on his studies. His 17-year-old sister, Yusra, said that her brother, who was good in school, had spoken longingly of prison ever since he was released the first time.

"He couldn't stand the guys from the refugee camps who were always carrying weapons. He felt like he was suffocating. He told me, 'I can't achieve in school with this chaotic environment around me.' " Her brother is now applying to take his high-school exams from behind bars, Yusra added.

Mr. Kharaz, Mohammed's father, said that while he hoped his son wouldn't try to get jailed again, it was possible as long as life in Nablus continued to worsen.

"If the situation continues the way it is, everybody will be doing it," he said. "Young and old."



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Hamas: A Pale Image of the Jewish Irgun And Lehi Gangs

By Donald Neff
Washington Report, May/June 2006, pages 14-15
Special Report

AS EASY as it is to dismiss clichés as banal and misleading, the troubling problem is that they often cloak an essential truth. Scoffs and derision often greet the cliché that "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter." Yet freedom fighters is exactly how Israelis view the early Zionists who fought in 1947 for the establishment of Israel-and how Palestinians now consider their fighters resisting Israeli occupation.

The reality is that when faced with a superior military force, such as Britain possessed in 1947 and Israel does today against the Palestinians, terror is the underdog's only viable weapon. Once a state has been established and legitimized, however, as in the cases of Israel and South Africa, the former "terrorists" tend to gain a veil of legitimacy as well. But legitimacy is now being denied Hamas. Even though Palestinians elected a Hamas-led government in free and fair elections, Israel denies it legitimacy on the grounds that Hamas is a terrorist organization.
Sixty years ago, however, at the time of the British Mandate, it was Jews in Palestine who mainly waged terrorism against the Palestinians. As Jewish leader David Ben-Gurion recorded in his personal history of Israel: "From 1946 to 1947 there were scarcely any Arab attacks on the Yishuv [the Jewish community in Palestine]."

The same could not be said for the Zionists. Jewish terrorists waged an intense and bloody campaign against the Palestinians, British, and even some Jews who opposed them leading up to the establishment of Israel.

The two major Jewish terror organizations in pre-independence Palestine were the Irgun Zvai Leumi-National Military Organization, NMO, also known by the Hebrew letters Etzel-founded in 1937, and the Lohamei Herut Israel, Fighters for the Freedom of Israel, Lehi in the Hebrew acronym, also known as the Stern Gang after its leader Avraham Stern, known as Yair, founded in 1940.

The Irgun was led by Menachem Begin, the future Israeli prime minister who was a leading proponent of Revisionist Zionism, the militant branch of Zionism pioneered by Vladimir Zeev Jabotinsky, which openly despised the Arabs and sought restoration of what it called Eretz Yisrael, the ancient land of Israel. By this was meant "both sides of the Jordan," the Irgun slogan meaning all of Palestine and Jordan was the rightful home of the Jews.

Another belief of Begin's was that of the "fighting Jew," a romanticized idea expressed in Jabotinsky's old Betar movement song of "we shall create, with sweat and blood, a race of men, strong, brave and cruel." Israeli scholar Avishai Margalit translated the verse as "proud, generous and cruel," adding: "Many are still waiting for the generous part to emerge."

The Irgun was the dominant Jewish terrorist organization, both in size and the number and frequency of its attacks. Its most spectacular feat up to this time had been the July 22, 1946 blowing up of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, with the killing of 91 people-41 Arabs, 28 British and 17 Jews. Mainstream Zionists despised Begin and his Revisionists, although there was cooperation between the two on military matters. Ben-Gurion, the leader of mainstream Zionism, fought throughout his premiership with Begin.

The other major Jewish terrorist group, Lehi, was more extremist than the Irgun, claiming all the land between the Nile and the Euphrates as belonging to the Jews. When Jabotinsky declared a cease-fire in the fight against Britain and its mandate troops in Palestine during World War II, Stern broke with him and founded Lehi. Stern sought alliance with the Nazis, both because they shared an enemy in Britain and because Lehi shared Hitler's totalitarian ideology. During the war Sternists openly celebrated Nazi victories on the battlefield.

An infamous document called the "Ankara Document" because it was found in the German Embassy in Ankara after the war, detailed Avraham Stern's ideas "concerning the solution of the Jewish question in Europe." It was dated Jan. 11, 1941. At the time, Stern was still a member of the Irgun, which he called by its initials, NMO. Wrote Stern: "The evacuation of the Jewish masses from Europe is a precondition for solving the Jewish question; but this can only be made possible and complete through the settlement of these masses in the home of the Jewish People, Palestine, and through the establishment of a Jewish state in its historical boundaries....The NMO...is well acquainted with the goodwill of the German Reich government and its authorities toward Zionist activity inside Germany and toward Zionist emigration plans....The NMO is closely related to the totalitarian movements in Europe in its ideology and structure."

In the Partition period, Irgun had around 2,000 men, while Lehi had about 800. Though the memberships were comparatively small, the damage these two groups caused in inflaming animosity between Arab and Jew was considerable. When Stern was killed by British police in 1942, leadership of Lehi was shared; among the leaders were Nathan Yalin-Mor, one of the eventual killers of Count Bernadotte, and Yitzhak Shamir, another future prime minister of Israel.

Arab terrorists carried out some major operations as well, including the bombing of the Jewish Agency and the Palestine Post. But in contrast to Jewish violence, it was unorganized and episodic. As historian Michael C. Hudson noted: "Organized Jewish violence against the British and Arabs (exemplified by the Irgun's bombing of the King David Hotel in 1946), however, was far more systematic and successful than that of the Palestinians, and the latter were unable to play a significant role in the final years of the Mandate."

The Jewish Agency, as the official representative of the Jewish community, repeatedly denied any responsibility for the acts of the Irgun and Lehi, maintaining they were underground terrorist groups operating outside the law. However, there was close cooperation among Irgun, Lehi and the Haganah underground army under an agreement called the Hebrew Resistance Movement and aimed specifically against the British Mandatory government. It went into force in the fall of 1945, when "Irgun and Lehi accepted Haganah discipline in the conduct of all armed operations," in the words of historian Noah Lucas.

By December 1947, British High Commissioner Alan Cunningham reported to London: "...the Haganah and the dissident groups are now working so closely together that the Agency's claim that they cannot control the dissidents is inadmissible."

Donald Neff is the author of the Warriors trilogy, Fallen Pillars: U.S. Policy towards Palestine and Israel, and Fifty Years of Israel, all available from the AET Book Club.

1947: A Year of Terror

Jan. 12-Four killed by Irgun terrorist bombing of British headquarters.
Jan. 13-Arab kidnapped and castrated by Jewish terrorists.
March 1-Sixteen Britons killed by Jewish terrorists/Britain invokes martial law
March 10-Jewish informer killed by Jewish terrorists.
March 11-Two British soldiers killed by Jewish terrorists.
April 8-British constable killed by Jewish terrorists.
April 8-Jewish boy killed by British troops.
April 8-Jew beaten to death by Arabs.
April 22-Eight killed in Jewish terrorist bombing of the Cairo-Haifa train.
April 25-Five killed in Jewish terrorist bombing of British camp.
April 26-British police official killed by Jewish terrorist.
May 8-Three Jewish shops in Tel Aviv whose owners refused to contribute to Jewish terrorist groups burned down by Jewish terrorists.
May 8-Jew killed near Tel Aviv by Arab terrorists.
May 12-Two British policemen killed in Jewish Jerusalem.
May 15-British policeman killed in terrorist ambush.
May 15-Two British soldiers killed in terrorist Stern Gang attack.
May 16-Two British police officers killed by terrorists.
May 18-One Jew killed, one wounded by Arab terrorists.
June 5-Jewish terrorists introduce letter bombs in Middle East.
June 28-Four British soldiers killed in Jewish terrorist raids.
July 3-"Anti-terrorist" Jewish families beaten up by Irgunists.
July 18-British soldier killed by Jewish terrorists.
July 19-Another British soldier killed by Jewish terrorists.
July 20-Yet another British soldier killed by Jewish terrorists.
July 23-65 Jews killed when Haganah sinks immigration ship.
July 26-Two British soldiers killed in booby trap.
July 29-Three Jews executed by hanging. Jewish terrorists retaliate by hanging two British soldiers.
Aug. 5-Three British police killed by bomb; plot discovered to poison the water supply of non-Jewish parts of Jerusalem with botulism and other bacteria.
Aug. 10-Four Jews killed in Arab terror attack on Tel Aviv café.
Aug. 12-Five Jews, four Arabs killed, others injured, in spread of violent incidents over three days.
Aug. 15-Twelve Palestinians killed in raid by Haganah troops.
Aug. 18-Shops of five Jews in Tel Aviv destroyed by Jewish terrorists.
Aug. 23-Five Arabs of one family-two men, a woman and two children-killed by Jewish terrorists.
Sept. 7-French foil Stern Gang plot to air bomb London.
Sept. 21-British messenger killed by Jewish terrorists.
Sept. 26-Four British policemen killed in Irgun terrorist bank robbery.
Sept. 27-Illegal Jewish immigrant killed by British.
Sept. 29-13 killed, 53 wounded in Irgun terrorist attack on British police station.
Oct. 4-Two Jews killed in ambush, two Arabs killed in retaliation.
Oct. 13-Two British troops killed by Jewish terrorists in Jerusalem.
Oct. 26-Jewish settlement policeman found killed near Gaza.
Nov. 3-Jewish policeman killed, reportedly by Stern Gang after refusing to reveal secret police matters.
Nov. 12-21 killed in British-Jewish clashes.
Nov. 14-Jewish terrorists kill 4 Britons in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv
Nov. 30-Violent riots erupt throughout Arab world following adoption of U.N. partition plan. In Palestine, seven Jews killed and eight wounded in the first day. All told, during the first week at least 159 persons were killed in the Middle East, 66 of them in Palestine.
Dec. 2-Palestinians begin 3-day protest strike; 20 Jews, 15 Arabs killed. Five Arabs and seven Jews were killed the next day during a six-hour battle on the Tel Aviv-Jaffa border.
Dec. 13-35 Palestinian civilians killed in Jewish terrorist attacks.
Dec. 14-14 Jews killed by Arab Legion in retaliation.
Dec. 18-Palmach ("assault companies") kills 10 Arabs, including 5 children, in nighttime raid on northern Galilee village of Khissas. The following day Haganah troops blew up the home of the village elder of Qazaza in central Palestine, killing several inhabitants. Wrote The Times of London: "While the Jews are suffering mainly through sniping at their road convoys, the Arabs have lost many lives through Jewish assaults on their villages."
Dec. 20-Haganah raid on village of Qazaza kills one Palestinian.
Dec. 24-Stern Gang member killed for betrayal of another member.
Dec. 25-16 Arabs, Jews and British killed on Christmas.
Dec. 25-Palestinian landowner killed for selling land to Jews.
Dec. 26-Ben-Gurion proposes major offensive to reduce Arab population.
Dec. 26-Jewish terrorists get $107,000 in heists of diamond plants.
Dec. 29-14 Arabs killed by Irgun bomb in Jerusalem.
Dec. 29-Irgun flogs British major and three sergeants.
Dec. 30-41 Jews, 6 Arabs killed in riot sparked by Stern Gang.
Dec. 31-Irgun claims to have killed 374 Arabs and British during year.-D.N.



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American Psycho


Neil Young, from Nixon to Bush

Sean O'Hagan
Sunday June 25, 2006
The Observer

A big black vintage Buick stands, gleaming and immaculate, in the empty car park of an otherwise nondescript studio complex on the southern outskirts of San Francisco. The car's owner, who drove here this morning from his 180-acre ranch in nearby San Mateo county, is of a similar vintage, but looks altogether less well-tended. His 60-year-old frame, once impossibly gangly, has filled out, and is clothed in a faded cotton shirt, ill-fitting denim jacket and baggy, khaki-coloured trousers that give way to white socks and scuffed trekking sandals. The thrift shop-meets-great outdoors look is topped off by a battered safari hat of dubious provenance which sits atop a straggly mess of long, greying hair. Everything about him looks slightly faded, windblown, weatherbeaten.
And yet this ageing unkempt figure exudes a timeless cool, a languorous, dishevelled grace that only those who truly don't give a hoot what the world thinks of them exude. Despite what style magazines might tell you, it is a look that cannot be bought or styled. It takes a lifetime of not caring to perfect, and if you were to ask Neil Young about it he would look at you like you were mad, and maybe fix you with that gimlet stare of his that has chilled many an interviewer's soul.

'People were always afraid of Neil,' his long-time manager Elliot Roberts once remarked when asked about his charge's legendary hair-trigger temperament, 'but he was actually very frail. He sort of glared at people and they'd freeze. He was so intense, nothing was casual.'

The glint in his eye is still there but today, at least, it seems more mischievous than malevolent. And Neil Young, though he has had a recent brush with mortality, no longer appears frail, but robust and hearty. When he finally ambles into the back room of the studio he seems relaxed and affable, and, despite his longstanding aversion to interviews, comes across initially as shy rather than wary.

'I'm doin' good,' he says, grinning, when I tell him how well he looks. Last year he underwent brain surgery to remove an aneurism that had gone undetected for years, and there were some unspecified post-operative complications he is loth to talk about. 'I've come though, and I feel kind of blessed.'

There is no evidence to suggest that this recent illness has made him ease up on his relentless work schedule. If anything, the opposite is the case. He recently released Living With War, hismost controversial album to date. It signals another major change of direction, both musically and politically, the abrasive sound matched by lyrics that pull no punches in their anti-war, anti-Bush message. 'Let's impeach the President for lyin'.' runs one song, 'and misleading our country into war/Abusing all the power that we gave him,/And shipping all our money out the door.'

He cut the album in a couple of weeks and initially released it on the internet. It followed close on the heels of last year's wistful and reflective Prairie Wind, several songs of which were written and recorded in the fortnight between the diagnosis and the removal of his aneurism. 'I had to wait a few weeks because the doctor wasn't available to do the operation,' he says matter of factly, 'so I just headed up to Nashville and started working.'

Last year, too, he played a pair of intimate shows in Nashville which form the core of new concert film, Heart of Gold, directed by his friend Jonathan Demme and due for release here in August. There is also a late summer stadium tour scheduled where he will once again be reunited with the equally grizzled Crosby, Stills & Nash with whom he has conducted a fitful and often fraught working relationship. 'When we were younger we fought like brothers,' he says, 'but we've got some history on that now.' One wonders, though, what's in it for him; as a rueful David Crosby once remarked, 'Neil needs the three of us like a stag needs a hat rack.'

In the meantime, in this very studio, he is overseeing the final stages of an exhaustive - and, among fans, semi-mythical - archival project which will culminate in the release of a series of CDs of unreleased material spanning his 40-year career. 'I've be en real busy this year, even by my standards,' he laughs. 'I kind of picked up a head of steam back there after the illness, and I just went with it. Plus,' he says, without a discernible trace of irony, 'I reckon I'm finally getting pretty good at what I do.'

What can you say to that? I just grin back at him and shake my head. If truth be told I'm feeling slightly nervous-going-on-starstruck in his presence. Journalistic objectivity be damned, I'm just grateful to be meeting the great man. We go back a long way, Neil and me, back to my teenage years in the early to mid-Seventies when his songs as well as his high prairie voice and his brooding outsider persona held me in their sway like nothing since.

For a long time back there, like many closet romantics, I was mesmerised by the very notion of Neil Young, and by the promise his songs carried of another altogether more gilded life among the impossibly bohemian denizens of America's fabled West Coast. A life lived in thrall to the highway and the desert and spent in the blissful company of all those dreamy sunkissed Laurel Canyon ladies. A life where you simply hung out and got high and wrote song after song about the heartbreak and despair of unrequited love. What could be finer?

Back then, in the grey, rain-drenched dreariness of small-town Northern Ireland, I listened to Neil Young's albums incessantly, poring over the sleeves, the credits, the lyrics. I even had my mother sew patches of an old rug on the backside of my Wranglers in homage to that photograph of Neil's jeans on the back of After the Goldrush. He was the brooding West Coast-rock troubadour par excellence. And wherever Neil went I journeyed with him, even along the druggy, desolate back roads he travelled on the ragged masterpiece that was Tonight's the Night, even across the remote, whacked-out terrain he was stranded in on On the Beach

Not even the great punk purge of the late Seventies, which consigned most of his complacent contemporaries to the dustbin of musical history, could shake my faith in the man or his music. I stuck by Neil and he responded accordingly, releasing the magnificently twisted Rust Never Sleeps, the album that bequeathed us his most infamous and oft-quoted line: 'It's better to burn out than to fade away'. Fifteen years later that same line would come back to haunt him when the dismal Kurt Cobain, much to Young's dismay, scrawled it on his suicide note.

But to everyone's surprise, including his own, Young neither burnt out nor faded away. To paraphrase Bob Dylan, it seemed like the only thing he knew how to do was to keep on keeping on. It's been quite a journey. Or, as Elliot Roberts once put it: 'It's not like the art is separate from the life, it's one and the same with Neil.' Only Dylan, indeed, has walked that line with the same kind of devil-may-care determination and utter disregard for the vagaries of musical taste. Only Dylan walks on to a stage trailing such a mythology, such a surfeit of startling songs, such a devoted to-the-point-of- obsessive following. Put simply, Neil Young is one of the last great maverick geniuses of rock, and bone fide living legend to boot. Not that he gives a hoot about that either.

'It's strange but I now have the kind of fame that comes with just being around so long,' he says. 'I have all the people who have been with me for a long time, and know my work, and have made the journey with me. But I also have all these other people who know who Neil Young is but don't really know shit about me. It all gets kind of strange sometimes.'

We are gathered here ostensibly to talk about his latest album, Living With War, a bunch of what he calls 'rough and ready, simple, straight-ahead folk songs about the war in Iraq'. In typically perverse fashion he has set those songs to storming electric guitar riffs and employed a 100-piece choir to ram home the anti-Bush message. The whole album, he tells me proudly, was recorded 'live and fast and with no overdubs'. The most catchy, and controversial, song is called 'Let's Impeach the President', which I can't imagine has received much mainstream radio play in America.

'More than you'd think, actually,' he says, eyes glinting. 'Which surprised me, too. A big part of what this record is about is just getting the information out there that Americans have a conscience about what's happening, too. There's a lot of people in America who didn't want this war to happen, who just want to be able to express themselves about this situation, but for various reasons they are not being heard. In a way this record is not for me, it's for them.'

Why, though, did he make a 'metal-folk' record that's heavier on the metal than the folk - and then bring a choir on board? 'Well I just went with my instincts as always. I was trying for a sound that really resonates so that's why the choir's on there. I wanted something so utterly simple and unarranged that people could sing along with it and play along with it, just like those old stirring folk songs. So when we play them live, anyone can get on board. There's no arrangements to learn, no fancy harmonies. It's stripped-down folk really, but I wanted it to sound angry and agitated and raw, too. My voice, and what I think as an individual, is much less important on this project. It's the project itself that's the important thing. It's about making yourself heard.'

Living With War is indeed an angry record but one that manages to sound somehow patriotic, too. Young says he waited a long time to make it because he was hoping that 'maybe a younger artist would stand up and write these kinds of songs'. That never happened, or at least not in the high-profile way he thought it would. 'For a while, you know, I didn't feel it was my place. Being 60 years old, and being who I am, it just didn't feel appropriate,' he continues, getting into his stride. 'Plus, after 9/11, we were told by the government that expressing dissent was not patriotic. I mean, I trusted the government back then. I was one of those guys who thought the Patriot Act was an OK idea when it first came out. I got behind it.' He shakes his head at his own folly. What, I ask, changed his mind? 'Bush did. The government did. We need a leader who's more cautious, not so reckless with things they don't understand. Other cultures need to be respected. Culture itself needs to be respected. I mean, I feel Saddam was bad and had to be overthrown, but are we smart or are we stupid? At this point in our evolution, with all the technology that we have, there has to be a better way of doing this than bombing a country into oblivion.'

I read somewhere that the anger that underpins Living With War was precipitated by a newspaper article he had read about Iraq. 'Well, it was a picture on the cover of USA Today actually. A cargo plane full of soldiers who we re doctors ready to take off for Iraq. The story was about how medicine had made such leaps and bounds in this war, how doctors had learned so much from this conflict. Man, that was just too much for me. Are you really trying to tell me that the positive side of the war is the medical experience gained from all those wasted people. There's really something wrong with that picture.'

It has to be said that Young himself is a complicated political creature and his allegiances have often been decided with the same kind of impulsiveness that underpins many of his artistic decisions. (This is a guy, after all, who plots his creative course according to the lunar cycle, scheduling recording dates and even live shows to coincide with the full moon.) In the late Sixties, when Nixon was in office, he wrote one of the great American protest songs, the tense and accusatory 'Ohio', a visceral response to the shooting dead of four students by the National Guard at Kent State University. In the Eighties though, when he hit one of his more sustained fallow periods - releasing a series of albums that prompted his label boss and former friend David Geffen to sue him for making wilfully uncommercial music - he briefly came out publicly for President Reagan. It was a move that would have terminally scuppered the credibility of many a lesser artist.

More recently too, just after 9/11, he recorded the bullish 'Let's Roll', the kind of song you could imagine a fired-up fighter squadron listening to before they took off for Iraq. Consistency has never been one of Neil Young's characteristics, in his life or his art, but one senses that, following his illness and the recent death of his father, he finally has adopted a more centred - even, dare I say it, less contrary - world view.

'We need to discuss this stuff, you know, just address it in public,' he says, sounding impassioned but focused, when I press him on his anti-Bush stance. 'There's been too much silence, too much phoney news. That's why I have put the Living With War videos on my website with all the news info running through them. Let's debate. Let's discuss. It's an open sore on this country, this war, and you can't just put a band-aid on it. You gotta lance it, and drain it, and let it heal. Might take a while but what's the alternative?'

Young, whose faith in the internet as a 'tool for getting the truth out there' is almost total, has even created a link on his website called 'The Great Debate' where fans and critics alike can express their feelings. 'There's been a lot of viciously negative reviews and we've stuck them on there too,' he grins, ever the iconoclast. 'It's not the Sixties any more, it's not about rock'n'roll, it's a different world now. It's about the things people feel and fear today, and those feelings and fears need - and have a right - to be expressed too.'

Almost four decades have passed since the frail and shy 20-year old Neil Young drove another big, black, vintage car - a '53 Pontiac hearse, to be exact - all the way from his hometown, Ontario, to the promised land of Los Angeles. Four decades since he and his sidekick, the late Bruce Palmer, met up with Stephen Stills on Sunset Boulevard and formed Buffalo Springfield, the most promising - and in many ways most disappointing - West Coast rock group of the Sixties. The restlessness that precipitated that epic journey from Canada to California, an acoustic guitar and a bag of grass for company, has remained a constant in his life and is perhaps the key aspect of Young's extraordinary and often wilfully impulsive creative odyssey.

'I guess it's pretty constant, yeah,' he nods. 'I don't like to stay. Got to move on. Even when I'm writing songs I need to up and move, even if it's only down the block. Soon as you change the scenery something happens, and the words start coming. Anything but staying in the same place. That ain't ever worked for me.'

Where does he think that restlessness comes from? 'Growing up, I guess. Up in Canada we were always going to different places - down to Florida in the wintertime, back up to Ontario in the summer. As a kid I grew up with that sense of movement, the highway, the prairie rolling by. My dad was a writer and he liked to keep moving, too.'

His father, Scott Young, died last year, aged 87, and his spirit hovers over many of the more reflective songs on Prairie Wind. By all reports, Scott was a bit of a maverick himself. He worked as a sports writer of some repute in his native Canada and once moonlighted to write an illuminating book, Neil & Me, about the often troubled relationship he had with his more famous son. Neil Spencer, former editor of NME and now an Observer writer, remembers Scott turning up at the NME offices to trawl though the back issues while researching the book. 'He was quite a dashing figure, tall, handsome, well-dressed, extremely charming. He stayed all afternoon and you could see he was very rigorous and thorough. He chatted easily about Neil. I remember him saying he was "real proud" of him.'

The father-son relationship, though, was for a long time a troubled and fractious one. Scott Young was another itinerant soul, who had upped and left the family home when Neil was 15, leaving both his young sons in the care of their mother. According to Young's biographer, Jimmy McDonough, the indomitable 'Rassy' Ragland Young was a hard drinker who, until her deathbed, never forgave her errant husband for his betrayal.

Neil Young's life has also been mapped out by impulsive relationships with strong women. He married his first wife, Susan Acevedo, in 1968, and divorced her just as swiftly in 1970. That same year he moved in with Carrie Snodgrass, an actress he first saw and fell for while watching the film Diary of A Mad Housewife. She was later immortalised on the baroque ballad 'A Man Needs A Maid', on which he sang, 'I fell in love with the actress/ She was playing a part that I knew so well'.

Though he made some of his finest music in the Seventies, the decade was also marked by a series of personal tragedies. In 1972 his first son, Zeke, was born, and soon after diagnosed with cerebral palsy. That same year Young lost his guitarist and close friend 27-year-old Danny Whitten, and his favourite roadie, Bruce Berry, to drug overdoses. Then, six years later, having married his current wife, Pegi, Young's second son, Ben, was born with an even more severe form of cerebral palsy.

'It took time to get used to the fact that it wasn't one but two,' Young told Time magazine in 2005, one of the few times he has publicly commented on this appalling twist of fate. 'Eventually Pegi and I just came to the understanding that we had been chosen, and this was one of the things we were going to do with our life, turning this situation into something positive for all kinds of kids.'

To this end Young and Pegi, his wife of 28 years, founded the Bridge School in Hillsborough, California in 1986, which specialises in providing communication through technology for non-verbal, physically challenged children. Each year Young hosts and headlines a concert there and has cajoled the likes of Paul Simon, Tom Petty and Pearl Jam to appear.

Ben, now 28, quadraplegic and unable to speak often accompanies his father on tour in a coach that Young has fitted with a hydraulic lift. The singer's obsession with model trains - he is part-owner of Lionel, the model train company - is also bound up with Ben's condition. Young has developed a command and control system that allows his son to operate the vast model train track he has installed in the converted barn near his home. For the last 36 years Young has lived on that same sprawling ranch near San Francisco that he bought with the royalties of the first CSNY album, Deja Vu, and christened 'Broken Arrow' after one of his early songs. (His third child, Amber, aged 22, is studying fine art.)

'The ranch has given me root,' he says, 'and I have family now. Things tend to be a bit more planned these days. Didn't use to be, though.' He shakes his head and laughs. 'I used to just up and go where I wanted to, never tell anybody.'

I put it to Young that the family is now a recurring motif in his later work, just as the notion of movement and restlessness was on his earlier albums. 'Oh yeah. I'm glad you picked up on that. The whole underlying story on Living With War is the bond of the family, and the effect that living with war has on families, not just in Iraq but here in America. I mean, the news doesn't focus too much on the bodies of the kids that come home. That's the part that's heartbreaking to me. I'm a family man to the core.'

How, though, has he managed to balance his family commitments with the nomadic life of the rock musician? 'Well I try and take my family on the road with me. You have to commit to the family and the work, give them both the respect and the attention they deserve. With me, I have to go with the work when it takes me. I can wait around for the songs to come but I got to go with them when they do. My wife, Pegi, she's just a great woman, and it's worked largely because she's been so understanding of that. She's intelligent and she's a hell of a lot of fun. You got to have that stimulation in a relationship,' he says, grinning like a big, goofy kid, 'I got a lot of work to do just to keep up with her.'

I ask Young if his recent brush with mortality has affected the way he writes songs. 'That's a hard question to answer,' he says, staring off into the corner. 'I mean, when it comes to songwriting I tend not to analyse it too much. I just let if flow out from the subconscious, unedited. I figure if you don't question it too much you keep it pure. I don't analyse and I don't question, and I don't do too much editing.'

So he doesn't get hung up on mistakes? 'Hell, no. If I did I'd still be working on my first project. I can't afford the time. I'd rather do something new than try to fix something I already did. I got to move on. It's always the next thing with me. Always.'

What would he do if the muse suddenly forsook him, if the songs dried up? 'Shit! Who knows? I mean, I'm not threatened by the thought of not having an idea. It's happened before and I just waited it out. I just look at it that the Great Spirit has given me a break. I'd think, time to go sailing! Time to go swimming! Time to go to Hawaii and look at some fish! Man, there's so many other things to do.'

He thinks this over for a long while, looking around this overcrowded room at all the various fragments from his archives, the old tour schedules, the track listings, the photographs of his younger self, the CDs full of old familiar songs, an